During the month of October 1962, the world veered nearer to annihilation more so than ever during the contemporary era. This transpired following the discovery that an American surveillance aircraft discovered that Russian nuclear weapon sites were being built in the island of Cuba, less than 160 kilometers from the United States. Reacting to this, U.S. President John F Kennedy commanded a naval task force to establish a naval quarantine around Cuba. The next phase constituted almost two weeks filled with impossible anxiety.
The peril remained palpable. Should Kennedy, or else his Russian opposite, Premier Khrushchev, initiated an attack on their enemy, a cascade of worldwide atomic strikes and retaliatory strikes would have ensued, casting mankind toward total oblivion.
The Cuban missile crisis has been covered endlessly, through books, films, as well as TV documentaries. But, for its third season, a prominent audio documentary series titled "The Bomb" has brought a completely new dimension into this historical narrative. It is co-presented featuring Max Kennedy and Nina Khrushcheva, family members belonging to the men who, for 13 days, controlled the destiny of the planet in their hands.
"What were the Soviet side thinking? What was the United States planning?" asks Nina Khrushcheva, the Soviet leader's descendant who is also an academic of international affairs.
For her, the beauty of the podcast is its endeavor to explore: "How can nations detest one another to the point they confront each other?"
"I am acutely aware how spectacular it is that individuals can be friends or else have the potential to be total adversaries," remarks Kennedy, the son of Robert Kennedy, related to the late president and currently a writer as well as attorney. "History shows this dynamic repeatedly when countries have gone to war, and it just illustrates the profound irrationality involved to fight."
What’s remarkable about the Cuban missile crisis is that, because it unfolded so publicly, citizens globally could watch nearly in real time while it crept closer to disaster. Even so, the danger of annihilation was more imminent than what most people understood at the time.
"Almost all officials among Kennedy's advisors were advocating for a military strike and a ground invasion," notes Max Kennedy. "If we had struck Cuba using the naval blockade, there is no question the Russians on the ground would've launched a nuclear warhead against the US Sixth Fleet, which would have destroyed our aircraft carriers and sunk America's primary fleet. In turn, we would have responded through an overwhelming counterattack that would have ended all life on the planet."
The fact this did not occur highlights the composure of both leaders, who succeeded in remain calm while engaging in diplomacy when hawkish elements around them were advocating action. As a result, The Soviet premier agreed to withdraw the nuclear weapons in the Caribbean island and President Kennedy (a fact not publicly disclosed at the time) removed his missiles from Turkey. The relief was palpable, as was the sense of hope.
Still, for those 13 days in October, the fear was palpable globally. The Bomb’s co-hosts came into the world shortly after the crisis, and Khrushcheva learned about the crisis through the Soviet education system, which presented an alternative version of what happened.
"You said your parent recalls it, and it was a scary time," she says. "However for Soviet citizens, the public were largely unaware a great deal about it, since it was a crisis, whereas under the Soviet system the official line was that everything was always fine and positive."
Inside the Khrushchev household, however, the perspective was distinct. "I was informed what a great moment for the USSR, because it represented eyeball to eyeball. The leaders managed to find a solution, thus avoided a global war, seen as a wonderful thing," she adds. Subsequently, though, that interpretation would not be shared by everybody. "For decades in Russian politics, the crisis was viewed as a setback for Khrushchev, because he didn’t blow up the United States."
The Bomb is remarkably even-handed , well produced that Khrushcheva quips she nearly forgot she already knew the ending. This effect is, in part, due to contributions from historians. But, really, the most momentous thing remains the participation of the descendants. Even within living memory, it was unthinkable for relatives of the leaders of America and Soviet Union to appear together publicly. The fact that these two individuals are able to do so, and exhibit such warmth toward one another, must be seen as a symbol of hope.
"We are not the first," notes Khrushcheva. "Following the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, a relative moved to America and formed a close bond with the former president's family."
"But we had never met before the podcast," adds Max. "Which is a shame because we got along really well and now we are friends, something that is really great. Finally, after almost six decades since nearly annihilating the planet, our lineages are now allies, suggesting the world is more secure, somewhat."
Is that truly the case? One reason why The Bomb feels so necessary is because we once again find ourselves in a perilous era. The Doomsday Clock stands nearer to catastrophe than ever before, in part because world leaders don’t seem to be able to comprehend
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